02/28/2019 Plaintiff memorandum in opposition to defendant’s
motion for summary judgement and reply memorandum in support
of plaintiff’s cross motion for summary judgement
IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA
MEMORANDUM IN OPPOSITION TO
DEFENDANT’S MOTION FOR SUMMARY JUDGEMENT AND REPLY MEMORANDUM IN SUPPORT OF PLAINTIFF’S
CROSS MOTION FOR SUMMARY JUDGEMENT
____________________________
Grant F. Smith
IRmep
info@IRmep.org
For process
service:
Grant F. Smith c/o IRmep
1100 H St. NW Suite 840
The ongoing, $228 billion fraud perpetrated by the federal
government against U.S. taxpayers can best be viewed as a
rotting, tottering three-legged stool.[1]
The first leg of the stool is an intertwined column of
executive and legislative branch violations of laws and
treaties that govern provision of U.S. assistance to a
single foreign, non-NPT signatory nuclear state—Israel—in
order to lavish more aid to Israel than any other foreign
recipient.
The second leg of the stool is a stanchion of the multiple
government agencies which work to gag relevant officials
from discussing Israel’s nuclear weapons (See Exhibit A,
WNP-136)[2]
and preemptively block release of all information under FOIA
pertaining to Israel’s nuclear weapons program, using a
relatively new, questionable device aptly named “Glomar”
after a failed CIA-Howard Hughes boondoggle. (Exhibit B, “Why
Glomar is such an apt name for the preemptive denial of FOIA
claims”)
The third—and most important— leg of the stool is the
massive flow of campaign contribution from the Israel lobby
that fuel executive and legislative branch electoral
ambitions, and precipitate preemptive recipient actions and
which are the reason the stool was cobbled together in the
first place. (See ECF 11-1, page 26) This case centers
largely on the second leg of the “ambiguity” policy
maintenance stool.
Defendants confidently assert that U.S. aid to Israel is
legal because “…the National Defense Authorization Act of
2019 expressly authorizes certain defense aid to Israel.
John S. McCain National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal
Year 2019, Pub. L. No. 115-232, § 1688.” (ECF 16, page 7).
However, since the Arms Export Control Act was amended in
1976, the President is required to file special waivers with
Congress when providing foreign aid to non-NPT signatory
nuclear weapons states such as Israel. See
22 USC §2799aa-1:
Nuclear reprocessing transfers, illegal exports for nuclear
explosive devices, transfers of nuclear explosive devices,
and nuclear detonations.
Plaintiff has proven that, despite knowing Israel is a
nuclear weapons state, no president has ever filed the
required waivers before providing public and black budget
aid to Israel. (ECF 11-1, page 46) (ECF 11-6) Defendants
have offered no plausible explanation for how such aid can
possibly be lawful in their attempts to quash this public
interest lawsuit. Plaintiff observes that not all laws passed by Congress are constitutional or legal, and that it is the role of the courts, as here, to make such determinations. It is also the role of the court to disallow spurious claims of secrecy intended to rob Americans of their right to access information under FOIA as a means to exercise their constitutional right to meaningfully petition for redress.
I. Defendants are classifying information “in order to
conceal unlawful conduct.”
Executive Order 13526 prohibits classifying information “in
order to . . . conceal violations of law.” Exec. Order No.
13,526 § 1.7. This section of 13526 is of overriding
concern. Executive branch classifying of information to
protect the three-legged “ambiguity” stool is rampant.
Plaintiff has filed three other related lawsuits in this
court. Each, in its own way, has revealed a different aspect
of how this federal agency second leg activity the keeps the
other two legs of the stool standing (Israel lobby cash to
politicians, massive and unconditional politician aid to
Israel).
The first case,
Smith v. DoD,
14-01611 (D.D.C., 2015)
won release of a document the Department of Defense
failed—much to its regret as seen it court filings—to
classify in 1987, “Critical Technology Assessment in Israel
and NATO Nations.”[3]
(Exhibit C) The Israel lobby’s pundits went into paroxysm
when it was publicly released in 2015, because Israel and
the lobby were—at the time of release—fighting the Obama
administration’s Iran nuclear deal. The Israel lobby and its
foreign principals did not want a document intimately
describing Israel’s very real nuclear weapons development
infrastructure, much of it provided at U.S. taxpayer expense
for exclusively peaceful use—to be juxtaposed with its own
nebulous accusations lodged against Iran. The release of
DoD’s document, by this very court, did not end the world or
compromise U.S. national security, despite affidavits filed
by classification authorities.[4]
It simply confirmed that the U.S. has not been upholding the
NPT or its own Arms Export Control Act since 1987. However,
anybody who was paying attention already knew that with or
without the official release.
The second case,
Smith v.
CIA 15-00224 (D.D.C., 2017)
dislodged a substantial number of formerly unreleased CIA
files about Israel’s diversion—in collusion with Zionist
Organization of American operatives running a U.S. nuclear
processing facility—of government-owned weapons grade
uranium into the Israeli nuclear weapons program. (Exhibit
D) The release confirmed how gingerly the CIA, FBI and
members of Congress investigating NUMEC felt—just like
Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger—about possibly being
beaten over the head by the ever-present Israel lobby leg of
the “ambiguity” stool. And yet congressional investigators
were also infuriated that nobody went to prison for
violating the Atomic Energy Act. This fury ultimately led in
1976 to passage of AECA restrictions on foreign aid to
non-NPT signatory nuclear states, which remain in effect to
this day. See 22 USC
§2799aa-1: Nuclear reprocessing transfers, illegal exports
for nuclear explosive devices, transfers of nuclear
explosive devices, and nuclear detonations.
For its part, the FBI was revealed to have been emasculated
by the CIA’s decades-long withholding of conclusive proof of
the diversion—radioactive testing clandestinely performed in
Israel. The released documents revealed[5]
that the U.S. allowed Israel and its U.S. agents to conduct
illegal nuclear espionage activities in and against the US
with impunity. In essence, the documents released about the
coverup of the NUMEC diversion were about maintaining
“ambiguity.” Released documents[6]
from 1977-1979 reveal that since the U.S. did not wish to
publicly explain the wrongdoing and absence of criminal
prosecutions of known perpetrators, most of whom are now
quietly passing away from old age—so it improperly used
secrecy to cover up the whole affair. The released documents
are yet another officially released substantiation of
“ambiguity” policy maintenance. It was—like all matters of
“ambiguity”—never a matter of U.S. national security. Most
Americans and all Arab states know Israel has nuclear
weapons. The world did not end after the documents were
released, and even published by the National Security
Archive at George Washington University.[7]
The third case,
Smith v.
Department of State & Department of Energy
18-0077 (D.D.C.)
revealed yet another 2012 policy maintenance component of
“ambiguity.” WNP-136 is a gag order that is used to
prosecute, fine and imprison any federal agency or
contractor employee found to have written about Israel’s
nuclear weapons program as fact—even when referencing public
domain sources. James Doyle, a former DOE employee, was
brutally arrested in his home, much like Israeli whistle
blower Mortdecai Vanunu was abducted overseas by Mossad
after he revealed photographs of Israel’s nuclear weapons
production facilities. Doyle was punished over a single
magazine article discussing Israel’s nuclear weapons using
public domain sources. Though not concluded,
Smith v.
Department of State & Department of Energy
18-0077 (D.D.C.)
is all about the ongoing production of instruments for
“ambiguity” policy maintenance used to punish American
government employees in order to lie to (by omission) and
bilk U.S. taxpayers.
What these cases all should reveal to the court is how
casually, reflexively and routinely the government violates
E.O. 13526 prohibitions on using secrecy to coverup
wrongdoing, in order to keep the rotting three-legged stool
from finally toppling over. But they also reveal another
striking fact. The release of such secrets has never had any
of the dramatic, predicted impacts on U.S. national security
advanced by defendants in reams of similarly worded
boilerplate (some not even properly listing the names of
Plaintiffs, because individual Plaintiffs are largely
irrelevant in the larger Glomar scheme) filed in every
single case. This is because “ambiguity” represents the
substitution of U.S. national security policy with Israeli
policy. Another sad fact is that the bad behaviors and
illegal activities covered up by classification no longer
have any shock value when courts order document release, or
when documents are leaked. Dispiritingly, in an era in which
endless wars are launched on false pretexts, agencies and
their contractors torture and kidnap suspects with impunity,
Americans accused of terrorism can be summarily executed by
drone overseas, and pardoned felons reenter as executive
branch “service” as policymakers to continue crimes against
humanity, Americans have come to expect such behavior from
their government. How long that tolerance will continue is
an open question. One question that is not open is that this
court could play a role in providing the transparency
necessary to ensure accountability. I. A long trail of “ambiguity”
records exist vel non
NARA has failed to justify its Glomar response denying
additional records about the half-century old “ambiguity”
policy. As a FOIA requester, Plaintiff has overcome their
Glomar response through extensive documentation about the
foreign machinations and subsequent executive avarice which
led to the substitution of bona fide American nuclear policy
with Israel’s policy of “ambiguity.”
Defendant argues that “the Kissinger memorandum was drafted
decades before the alleged letters were supposedly drafted.”
(ECF 16, page 9-10). Defendants fail to recognize that the
point of introducing the Kissinger memorandum is to reveal
the Nixon administration’s initial policy choices: Making
Israel sign the NPT and shut down its nuclear weapons
program in the U.S. national interest (and the interest of
peace), or US adoption of “ambiguity” because of the
administration’s fear of the Israel lobby. The record shows
that the U.S. was coerced into adopting Israel’s “ambiguity”
policy, out of fear of Israel’s U.S. lobby. This Circuit has clarified that in
the Glomar context, it is the “existence vel non of any
records responsive to a FOIA request,” rather than the
content of the records, that is the focus of the inquiry.
ACLU, 710 F.3d at 427. The Plaintiff has proven that like
any policy, “ambiguity” requires constant effort to
maintain. Lastly, Plaintiff has definitively established
that presidential records pertaining to the foundation and
maintenance of “ambiguity” do indeed exist and are
releasable. Plaintiff has already referenced the
“ambiguity” policy maintenance of the CIA in attempting to
stamp out accountability over the theft by Israel of U.S.
weapons- grade uranium. The court record of the DoD’s battle
against releasing its 1987 report about Israel’s nuclear
weapons production facilities also document the policy
maintenance of “ambiguity”. The released document (Exhibit
C) is irrefutable proof that the U.S. knows about the
Israeli nuclear weapons program, but refuses to take action
as required under the NPT and AECA while fighting to keep
the public in the dark, in the advancement of unlawful
foreign aid delivery. Plaintiff substantiates that after
observably dabbling with the idea of actually upholding the
Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and pursuing a Middle East
Nuclear Free Zone, President Obama reversed course and
“reiterated to the Prime Minister that there is no change in
U.S. policy when it comes to these issues.” See Pl.’s Mem.
at 26-27, ECF No. 11-1 at 27-28. Something caused the
reversal. The president was clearly forced to perform
maintenance on the “ambiguity” policy after attempting to
pursue U.S. national interests, by signaling that all three
legs of the stool would be left intact. The Israelis were
thus assured that the vast amounts of foreign aid would not
be subject to inflexible U.S. arms export law or the NPT,
and that the president’s party would continue to get Israel
lobby campaign contributions, while the federal bureaucracy
would keep its collective mouth shut about Israel’s nuclear
weapons program. Obama did further “ambiguity”
maintenance when his Departments of State and Energy in 2012
passed a legislative rule in the form of a classification
guide making it illegal for federal agency employees and
contractors to discuss Israel’s nuclear weapons program.
WNP-126 should be seen as yet another executive branch
maintenance of “ambiguity.” Enough of it has been
declassified due to Plaintiff efforts, that it can be seen
as release of “ambiguity” policy maintenance documents.
Presidential letters upholding “ambiguity” are merely
unreleased policy maintenance documents. They warrant no
special treatment, since they are mainly about campaign
contributions, and not national security. Plaintiff easily met his burden to
show prior, official disclosure of this category of
requested letters. But since Defendants are not convinced,
“Plaintiff has not met his burden to do so” (ECF 16, page 9)
as additional evidence, Plaintiff attaches (Exhibit A) as
evidence of the “ambiguity” policy maintenance, WNP-136,
“Guidance on Release of Information Relating to the
Potential for an Israeli Nuclear Capability.” WNP-136 is
precisely an example of ‘the prior disclosure establishes
the existence (or not) of records responsive to the FOIA
request.’” Marino v. DEA, 685 F.3d 1076, 1081 (D.C. Cir. 2012). In this case,
it is irrefutable evidence of the Obama administration
returning to “ambiguity” policy maintenance—after promising
to do so in July 2010—through a gag order on all things
related to Israel’s nuclear weapons program. (Exhibit A)
There are no substantive differences between the secret 2008
Obama letter, the 2010 official capitulation speech, and
WNP-136. They are all form part of a chain of “ambiguity”
policy under way since 1969. This court can examine the
timeline, and using its familiarity with the issue, presume
“the prior disclosure establishes the existence (or not) of
records responsive to the FOIA request.’”
Marino v. DEA, 685
F.3d 1076, 1081 (D.C. Cir. 2012). The Bill Clinton and
George W. Bush promises to maintain “ambiguity” lie along
the chain.
Vel
non, ambiguity records exist, have been acknowledged, and a
string of them have been either fully or partially released.
Presidential letters propping up “ambiguity” therefore can
and must be released. This court—more than any other—is
well-positioned to see that all kinds of official
acknowledgement and actions—and grudging release—of
ambiguity policy maintenance documents exist, making any
assertion that there has been none unsustainable. II. The Clinton
Library’s Glomar response is improper
Glomar is spreading like an infectious disease throughout
American courts, its overuse propelled by Glomar’s smug,
self-referential, tautological, mobius strip closure
propelled entirely by what it hopes are unchallenged agency
appeals to authority. Glomar was originally thought to be
applicable only in limited circumstances, but is now almost
the automatic response to FOIA requests. Plaintiff agrees
with Defendant that deference to Glomar claims has been
going on for four decades. (ECF 16, page 3-4) Plaintiff
disagrees with Defendants that courts should allow it to
continue unchallenged as it has in the past.
The Fitzpatrick affidavit (ECF 10-3) is exemplary of the
pernicious attitude inherent in Glomar and the bad faith of
Defendants. The affidavit should have begun with the
following disclosure statement. “I, John P. Fitzpatrick,
labored as a NARA functionary for four years just before
joining the NSC.” But, of course, the affidavit did not do
so, because such material statements of fact are considered
information that both the NSC and NARA wished to withhold
from the court. For this reason alone the court should
strike the affidavit as being “controverted by…..evidence of
agency bad faith.”
Miller v. Casey, 730 F.2d 773, 776 (D.C.Cir.1984)
This action represents the very essence of GLOMAR—the
substitution of any real-world examination of the facts
about documents and classification markings, for
philosophical speculations and boilerplate assertions made
by various agency authorities laboring up and down the
second leg of the “ambiguity” stool.
The operative executive order (13526) expressly forbids
classifying information for the purpose of wrongdoing.
Fitzpatrick’s speculative affidavit therefore has only one
overriding purpose—preventing the public release of
information that is fundamental to the maintenance of that
wrongdoing. Such efforts have previously failed to convince
this court, and they should not be convincing now.
Where Fitzpatrick asserts potential harm to national
security, what he really means is harm to the three-legged
stool. To the slush funds, and the affinity networks, and
favor-banks. Defendants assert that information is “under
control of the United States” because it is in U.S. and in
Israeli hands. Fitzpatrick’s suggestion that letters are
properly classified, is made in entirely the interest of
keeping those being bilked—American taxpayers—from getting
their hands on the letters. (ECF 16, page 5). Plaintiff
stands by his evidence, using facts, (ECF 11-1, pages 29-39)
of the falsity of Fitzpatrick’s assertions that the world
believes the U.S. is committed to the NPT and that grave
harm would result if even further evidence revealing that to
be fake is ever made public, and all other NSC arguments.
This is simply not any kind of “national security” matter,
but rather a corruption question. Mr. Fitzpatrick admirably
advances in this court grammar-school sensibilities of how
government is supposed to function, but the Executive Order
which he wields mostly to keep information from the public,
expressly forbids retention of information if the overriding
purpose is covering up wrongdoing. It is therefore the role
of this court to separate the documents from NARA’s custody,
examine and release them—through Plaintiff—to the American
people, since the reasons advanced for retaining are neither
“logical” nor “plausible.” "Ultimately, an agency's
justification for invoking a FOIA exemption is sufficient if
it appears `logical' or `plausible.'"
Wolf, 473 F.3d at
374-75 (quoting
Gardels v. CIA, 689 F.2d 1100, 1105 (D.C.Cir.1982), and
Hayden v. NSA, 608 F.2d 1381, 1388 (D.C.Cir.1979)).
It is simply no longer “logical” or “plausible” that
confirming the existence of letters could do anything to
further undermine confidence in the U.S. commitment to the
NPT, or adherence to the Arms Export Control Act. The
Plaintiff has already presented evidence that public opinion
cannot go lower. (ECF 11-1, pp 34, 45). Defendants neither
offer counter-evidence to support their speculative claims,
address the presence of authoritative “ambiguity” policy
maintenance records in the public domain, nor do they refute
the public opinion polling or other evidence presented by
Plaintiff. III. This court has
broad powers to review Bush Library documents under “special
access.”
Presidential records are neither the property of the
Archivist, the Archivist’s designees, nor presidents of the
United States. Perhaps unbeknownst to defendants, the
mission of the National Archives is to “drive openness,
cultivate public participation, and strengthen our nation’s
democracy through public access to high-value government
records.”[8]
Release of the presidential letters would accomplish that.
Public access to Presidential records is not under the sole
jurisdiction of the Archivist or NARA, but rather a question
of the
interaction between the Federal Records Act, the
Presidential Records Act (PRA), and the Freedom of
Information Act (FOIA). The Federal Records Act and FOIA
broadly apply to all federal records. PRA only applies
narrowly to records created by and on behalf of a president,
such as records created during the George W. Bush
Administration. Even so, despite the PRA’s jurisdiction,
such records may necessarily be subjected to judicial review
when the overriding question at hand is—as in this FOIA
case—pervasive criminal conduct.
Although a number of laws are in place to withhold
presidential records from public access for particular
durations of time, certain federal officials may access
presidential records within the 12-year time frame. This is
known as gaining "special access" to presidential records.
Specifically, under 44 U.S.C. §2205: [S]ubject to any
rights, defenses, or privileges which the United States or
any agency or person may invoke, Presidential records shall
be made available—(A) pursuant to subpoena or other judicial
process issued by a court of competent jurisdiction for the
purposes of any civil or criminal investigation or
proceeding…”
NARA’s
prior, documented release of George W. Bush administration
records therefore, contrary to what Defendants claim, (ECF
16, page 3), does have direct bearing on the reviewability
of records. If Congress had decided to issue a subpoena for
the entire set of Kavanaugh records, which it probably would
have done if Congress was under Democratic Party leadership
at the time of nomination hearings, NARA would have had no
option but to salute and fully release the records.
Hypothetically, if Kavanaugh’s conduct became the subject of
a criminal case brought by alleged victims, a judge could
have issued subpoenas for any Bush administration records
deemed relevant to a fair trial. Courts, therefore, in no
way lack jurisdiction to obtain and review presidential
records, no matter the wishes of former presidents or
vaunted claims of non-reviewability advanced by NARA. NARA
is merely a custodian that must turn over any documents it
has swept up into its bins to higher authorities when the
law so demands. The overriding question in this case
is whether the records being withheld under FOIA are being
withheld in service to an ongoing criminal enterprise. This
court may therefore freely demand the George W. Bush
presidential record in question, a single presidential
letter which—in essence—perpetrates an ongoing conspiracy to
thwart the NPT and AECA in exchange for the implied receipt
of special interest campaign contributions. Such a judicial
review is proper under FOIA, and particularly long overdue
as a check on the overeager use of Glomar and misapplication
of FOIA exemptions to cover up wrongdoing. Retroactively
classifying or asserting Glomar in this case is made for an
improper purpose. There is no independent purpose—other than
violating the law—for which such records are withheld from
public access.
This court properly rejected one similarly expansive CIA
Glomar claim, that despite official presidential
confirmation of “unprecedented” intelligence aid to Israel,
it was “neither ‘neither logical nor plausible’ that the CIA
does not have budget line items related to intelligence
assistance for Israel.”[9] Smith
v. CIA 15-01431 (D.D.C.,
2015)
Perpetrating a
$228 billion-dollar fraud against taxpayers ever since aid
to non-NPT nuclear powers like Israel was outlawed in 1976[10]
takes more than a few private verbal agreements, campaign
contributions and pats on the back. More policy documents
implemented to perpetuate the fraud exist and must be
properly located and released when requested under FOIA. CONCLUSION
For the foregoing reasons, the Court should deny Defendant request for summary judgement and order NARA to finally process the FOIA before the one-year anniversary of the request (June 29, 2019). Plaintiff encourages this court to examine the presidential letters held by NARA, as is its prerogative, in camera for insight into the precise role it plays within the chain of “ambiguity” policy maintenance in subverting NPT and AECA, the presence of any original classification markings and to then make its own independent determination of whether NARA’s preemptive Glomar invocations, speculative FOIA exemptions and flawed interpretation of PRA are in fact being improperly invoked with the primary aim to “cover up wrongdoing.”
[1]
https://original.antiwar.com/smith-grant/2018/06/24/four-presidents-conspired-to-give-100-billion-to-israel/
[2]
https://original.antiwar.com/smith-grant/2018/08/09/can-the-us-keep-lying-about-israels-nukes/
[3]
http://files.courthousenews.com/2015/02/12/nuc%20report.pdf
[4]
https://www.courthousenews.com/dod-report-details-israels-quest-for-hydrogen-bomb/
[5]
https://original.antiwar.com/smith-grant/2015/09/06/cia-cover-up-thwarted-fbis-nuclear-diversion-investigations/
[6]
http://www.israellobby.org/numec/08312015_cia_numec.pdf
[7]
https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/nuclear-vault/2016-11-02/numec-affair-did-highly-enriched-uranium-us-aid-israels
[8]
https://www.archives.gov/about/info/mission
[9]
https://www.courthousenews.com/cia-hammered-shrug-israel-records/
[10]
https://original.antiwar.com/smith-grant/2018/06/24/four-presidents-conspired-to-give-100-billion-to-israel/
|
||||
|